A cynical democracy

 POLITICS OF OUR TIME

Wednesday, August 25, will mark a year since Jamaica received a request from the United States for Christopher Coke's extradition. He was not extradited until 10 months later, on June 23 this year. The period in between marks the most cynical period in the history of Jamaica's democracy. For more than 40 years, Jamaicans have bashed their political parties as being in bed with criminals, for harbouring 'dons', and creating garrison constituencies. Crime, Jamaicans said, was the country's number-one problem and, indeed, Jamaica has had one of the highest and, sometimes, the highest murder rate per capita in the world.

A prime minister, his government and party never denied that he was guilty of all the things the Americans said he was wanted for. They never denied that he was a 'don'. They never denied that he was their 'don'. They never denied that he gave money to the party. They never denied that he was leader of the notorious Shower Posse. They only said they were defending his human rights, but even then, they refused all they could, to let the court determine the issues.

Yet, the prime minister, his government and party remain in power. A minor player resigned. The prime minister has not. He apologised, but only for the way his party engaged a lobby on behalf of Coke. No one has been disciplined. No one has been punished. No one else has resigned. No one else has apologised. Nothing has been independently investigated. There has been no enquiry. Jamaicans will have an impossible time explaining all of this.

Democratic Action

Where does the failure of democratic action lie?

People power - In the 1980s and 1990s people-power movements arose to drive autocrats from power and inaugurate new democracies. The most popular ones initially were in Haiti against 'Baby Doc' Duvalier, and the Philippines, against Ferdinand Marcos. They were non-violent, sustained demonstrations and vigils against rogue regimes. They figured in the Tiananmen Square protests in China and eastern European movements against communism.

A people-power movement did not emerge in Jamaica. There was no sign of it and no call for it. Nothing spontaneous or organised was noticeable. There was no conscientious objection and non-cooperation with government. Some persons said it couldn't be business as usual, but just about everybody went about business as usual.

Civil society - There was a brief stirring of civil society. It was largely active through press releases demanding truth, an independent enquiry, and a reform agenda. There was a coalition of civil-society organisations and a president's council of business groups. The high point of activity was between March and May. They did not inspire a people-power movement, lead any legal challenge, public-education campaign, movement for constitutional reform, rallies, petitions, police investigations, or human-rights campaign, and left no lasting and irreversible legacy for change.

The fourth estate - The 'fourth estate' refers to the press. The other three estates would be executive, legislature and judiciary. The international press was cynical about crime and politics in Jamaica. It showed no interest in reform and change. The local press called for the truth. But it did little to get it. Much of what we knew came from what the Manatt Phelps & Phillips (MPP) website revealed about Brady's engagement of the firm, and what other papers like the Washington Post and journals like the American Law Daily first reported. There has been little local investigative journalism, and many questions remain unanswered. Now that Coke has been taken in, the interest of the international press has subsided. The revelations have dried up.

Parliamentary democracy - The government side of Parliament has stood by their man. The Opposition side has not led a people-power movement. But the Opposition did lead the call for the Coke matter to go to court, revealed the JLP/GOJ arrangement with MPP, brought a censure motion against Golding in the Lower House and against Lightbourne in the Upper House, called for the whole truth, called for an independent enquiry, and called for human-rights protection during the state of emergency. Democracy remained alive in Parliament. The Opposition was the catalyst for much of the public pressure that forced Golding to admit wrongdoing and apologise.

Electoral democracy - The people have not yet had their say. They have not organised a people-power movement. Public-opinion polls show, however, that they do not believe Golding has told the truth, has handled the Coke extradition and the MPP affairs properly, and has the moral authority to govern. The press, civil society, and the parliament cannot speak for the people. The people will speak for themselves. In an electoral democracy, they will have the last word.

Plutocracy - Or will they? A plutocracy is rule by the wealthy. The wealthy always contrive to have the last word. Some political scholars say American democracy is really a plutocracy. The term has been applied to European democracies as well. It applies to any society where there is a power elite rooted in wealth with preponderant influence over government, the media, members of parliament, and over the voters in election campaigns. The most powerful members of business, government, the media and the high professions, collude and coalesce around common interests and perceptions, especially at those times when their power base and self interests are most exposed.

JAMAICA CYNICISM

Cynicism exists when people don't believe others who run a system care enough and they sometimes come to care less. The more this happens the more opportunistic society becomes. People only act when there is something in it for them. More people are likely to vote to get something in exchange. More people are also likely to run for power to get something.

More people befriend those in power and those with power to get favours. Fewer people fight and sacrifice for principles and ideals and fewer people believe principles and ideals can actually bring change.

Jamaica is also a small society and too many people in power or close to power are connected. They protect each other. This places limits on what the press will report; who in power will be exposed; who with power will be held responsible; who will organise people-power movements and how revolutionary they will be; what demands will be made and what conditions will be demanded.

Smaller Jamaican organisations are also not well resourced. They do not sustain struggle for long. Volunteerism is weak. Finally, Jamaica is a quarrelsome and opinionated society. People quarrel over politics and quarrel loudly and daily about politicians. You think they, therefore, feel strong enough to do something. But this is not a doing society. It is just a quarrelsome society.

Parliamentary and electoral actions remain our best guarantees of democracy. Let us hope they are not corrupted by plutocracy, which remains the greatest threat.

Robert Buddan lectures in the Department of Government, UWI, Mona. Email: Robert.Buddan@uwimona.edu.jm or columns@gleanerjm.com.